Reports emerged today of ten taxi drivers in Beijing drinking pesticide in protest of poor treatment by their taxi companies, but will the government listen? The men protested outside of a popular Beijing shopping center, drawing crowds as many keeled over and frothed at the mouth due to the pesticide. Videos of the protest quickly went viral on Chinese social media sites. The men aimed to kill themselves – thankfully all survived.
This is just one example in a series of labor protests that have recently surged across China. Strikes and labor protests doubled in 2014 to more than 1300 and have tripled in the last quarter, particularly by factory workers, teachers, and taxi drivers demanding better treatment. Rising tensions are likely a result of China’s slowing economy, as labor-intensive manufacturing is exported outside of China in search of cheaper labor. But the ruling Chinese Communist Party has failed to address these concerns, and instead have met protests with heavy-handedness. Even peaceful petitioners are often detained, many beaten, threatened, and sometimes even tossed into mental hospitals and silenced.
Independent unions are, of course, illegal in China. All labor organizations are state-run, registered and affiliated with the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), who reportedly often ultimately side with management. Meng Han, a hospital security guard jailed for nine-months for protesting in demand of higher wages, says, “China’s unions do not belong to the workers.” The fact that the word “union” is even commonplace in the Chinese vocabulary – let alone formalized in the state – shows that China has come a long way in recent years. However, if ACFTU continues to stifle the voices of the workers, the number and intensity of protests and strikes will only continue to grow, threatening the stability of China.
An authoritarian state hinges upon three tools to dominate society: “coercion,” in the form of violent and non-violent repression, surveillance, and large police forces; “remuneration,” by buying off key interest groups and keeping general welfare rising; and “thought-work” or symbol-manipulation to manufacture legitimacy and cultivate nationalism. As one of these tools begins to weaken, the state must increasingly make use of the other two remaining tools to compensate. Although the Chinese economy is still very strong, as its growth slows, many lose their jobs, and workers demand more, we see that the state’s tool of “remuneration” is beginning to suffer. “Thought-work” is also less successful than it used to be, with widespread access to international media and social media outlets even despite national bans. Chinese youth are especially more enlightened than ever before.
This leaves “coercion” as the last remaining tool for use by China’s ruling Communist Party. It is no surprise then that both mass incidents of civil unrest, as well as government spending on internal security have soared over recent years. Mass incidents increased from 8700 in 1993 to 90,000 in 2010, and these numbers are according to “official” Chinese government data, indicating that the number is likely much higher. The government has not released official data on numbers for more recent years. China’s spending on domestic security – including police, militia, and other domestic security arms – has exceeded its defense spending for the last three years. In 2012, the government increased its domestic security by 11.5% and in 2013 by 8.7%. In 2014 the government withheld their domestic-security spending figure.
If the Chinese Communist Party hopes to ensure their long-term rule and economic prosperity, concerns of citizens must be addressed. Desperate attempts of suicide like the taxi drivers’ protest in Beijing represents an unsatisfied labor force that is boiling over. History has shown us time and time again that intimidation, coercion, and the suppression of domestic unrest are not sustainable ways to govern, and sooner or later will erupt. Will the Chinese government recognize the warning signs?
This is just one example in a series of labor protests that have recently surged across China. Strikes and labor protests doubled in 2014 to more than 1300 and have tripled in the last quarter, particularly by factory workers, teachers, and taxi drivers demanding better treatment. Rising tensions are likely a result of China’s slowing economy, as labor-intensive manufacturing is exported outside of China in search of cheaper labor. But the ruling Chinese Communist Party has failed to address these concerns, and instead have met protests with heavy-handedness. Even peaceful petitioners are often detained, many beaten, threatened, and sometimes even tossed into mental hospitals and silenced.
Independent unions are, of course, illegal in China. All labor organizations are state-run, registered and affiliated with the All-China Federation of Trade Unions (ACFTU), who reportedly often ultimately side with management. Meng Han, a hospital security guard jailed for nine-months for protesting in demand of higher wages, says, “China’s unions do not belong to the workers.” The fact that the word “union” is even commonplace in the Chinese vocabulary – let alone formalized in the state – shows that China has come a long way in recent years. However, if ACFTU continues to stifle the voices of the workers, the number and intensity of protests and strikes will only continue to grow, threatening the stability of China.
An authoritarian state hinges upon three tools to dominate society: “coercion,” in the form of violent and non-violent repression, surveillance, and large police forces; “remuneration,” by buying off key interest groups and keeping general welfare rising; and “thought-work” or symbol-manipulation to manufacture legitimacy and cultivate nationalism. As one of these tools begins to weaken, the state must increasingly make use of the other two remaining tools to compensate. Although the Chinese economy is still very strong, as its growth slows, many lose their jobs, and workers demand more, we see that the state’s tool of “remuneration” is beginning to suffer. “Thought-work” is also less successful than it used to be, with widespread access to international media and social media outlets even despite national bans. Chinese youth are especially more enlightened than ever before.
This leaves “coercion” as the last remaining tool for use by China’s ruling Communist Party. It is no surprise then that both mass incidents of civil unrest, as well as government spending on internal security have soared over recent years. Mass incidents increased from 8700 in 1993 to 90,000 in 2010, and these numbers are according to “official” Chinese government data, indicating that the number is likely much higher. The government has not released official data on numbers for more recent years. China’s spending on domestic security – including police, militia, and other domestic security arms – has exceeded its defense spending for the last three years. In 2012, the government increased its domestic security by 11.5% and in 2013 by 8.7%. In 2014 the government withheld their domestic-security spending figure.
If the Chinese Communist Party hopes to ensure their long-term rule and economic prosperity, concerns of citizens must be addressed. Desperate attempts of suicide like the taxi drivers’ protest in Beijing represents an unsatisfied labor force that is boiling over. History has shown us time and time again that intimidation, coercion, and the suppression of domestic unrest are not sustainable ways to govern, and sooner or later will erupt. Will the Chinese government recognize the warning signs?
